The Women/Feminists Movements in Pakistan – (1947-2022)

Women/ Feminist
Movements In Pakistan 

Feminism in Pakistan has been a curious subject. While it puts light on all issues of women in Pakistan, Pakistani women within the country are also facing a different set of struggles. The concept of feminism can be an intimidating topic for many people, but it is crucial to understand why so many women in Pakistan are fighting for their rights. In this blog post, you will be able to learn more about feminist movements and feminism in Pakistan.

Introduction

Pakistan is a young country, founded in 1947. It is critical to explore the historical growth of Muslim feminist thinking in pre-1947 colonial India in order to appreciate the genuine nature of gender discourse and female status in today's Pakistani society and organizations. Women even in colonial India were struggling hard for their rights, and western feminism influenced women’s rights movements in Colonial India too.

Pakistan is the Islamic Republic with a Constitution that guarantees equality and non-discrimination for all citizens regardless of gender, race, religion, or creed. However, despite these constitutional rights, women in Pakistan face discrimination and inequality. There are many practices that did not support women. The Family Law is not standard in that it governs each religious group through personal or customary regulations, some of which appear to contain discriminatory features. Women have unequal rights to inheritance, marriage termination, marriage minimum age, and natural guardianship of children under Muslim Family Law; polygamy has not been banned or even sufficiently restricted by law, and there are grossly inadequate provisions for women's financial security after marriage termination. Women have uneven rights under Pakistani citizenship rules, which guarantee citizenship by descent exclusively through a father, and which provide citizenship to a foreign wife of a Pakistani man but not to a foreign spouse of a Pakistani woman.

Because of inequality and suppression, women of Pakistan struggled from the day first for their rights. Here are the different phases of women/feminists' history in Pakistan.

 Feminism In First Phase After Independence: 1947

Image by Tima Miroshnichenko from Pexels

When Pakistan got independence, women were granted the right to vote because of two women who were elected to Pakistan's first constituent assembly (1947-1954): Begum Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz and Begum Shaista Ikramullah. Both these women, and other Pakistani Muslim women, advocated for women's political emancipation via legislative reforms. These all-women rallied support, resulting in the passing of the Muslim Personal Law of Shariah in 1948, which recognized a woman's right to inherit all types of property in the newly formed state of Pakistan. The Family Ordinance Laws made it legal for women to inherit agricultural property (in accordance with Islamic law), made second marriages contingent on the first wife's consent, made divorce more difficult for men, gave women the right to initiate divorce for the first time, and established a marriage registration system. The new legislation was only moderately beneficial to women in rural regions and working-class women in metropolitan areas because, in practice, these rules largely defended the rights of politically conscious and educated women. However, some organizations at that time were working for the rights of Pakistani poor women like All Pakistan-Association Women's (APWA), Anjuman-e-Khawatin-e-Islam and the progressive Anjuman-e-Jamhooriat Pasand Khawateen, and so on.

Women's political activity was a frequent drive for improvement in women's rights, according to the historical growth of gender discourse. Religion card is used by extremists groups in Pakistan to suppress women for their own interests they used to reject colonial (British/western) customs, women were viewed as objects of Islamic identity. As a result, their responsibilities within the Chaddar (a kind of veil) and Chardiwari (the four walls of a home) were recommended as the most acceptable for women in order to safeguard their honor and Islamic traditions.

 Feminism In Second Phase 1970s

After independence, women in Pakistan were facing many problems, and it was challenging too for the governments to empower women in their regimes. How women were empowered in these governments is discussed below, though women got little empowerment they never quit and still they are struggling hard for their rights and equality.

Feminism in Zulifqar Ali Bhutto Regime

The Pakistani Constitution, which was approved in 1973, made gender equality a particular guarantee. "There shall be no discrimination solely on the basis of sex," the constitution states. It also protects marriage, family, motherhood, and children, as well as fostering "full involvement of women in all aspects of national life."

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's democratic rule (1970-1977) had liberal attitudes about women. All government services that had previously been forbidden to women were now available to them. Women were allocated 10% of seats in the National Assembly and 5% of seats in provincial assemblies, with no restrictions on women running for general seats. Zulifkar Ali Bhutto knew the country cannot develop until and unless women are not educated and empowered.

Feminism In Zia-ul-Haq Regime

Zia-ul-Haq regime is considered the dark time for women in Pakistan because of anti-women laws. Women's rights legislation has shifted from one extreme to the other during the previous few decades. The laws themselves were fairly permissive in safeguarding women in Pakistan's male-dominated culture with feudal traditions and a colonial past, at least until 1979, when the then military ruler General Zia-ul-Haq established the Hudood Ordinance. Prior to then, Pakistani laws were very egalitarian, going so far as to discriminate positively in favor of women like, women have a unique right to bail, and female partners are not punished in cases of adultery. 

Image by Markus Spiske from Pexels

General Zia's Hudood Ordinance, on the other hand, reversed women's protective status. The new Shariah legislation represented only a conservative regime's limited understanding of Islam. These rules were particularly harmful to women and had a negative influence on women's responsibilities outside the Chardiwari refuge.

He introduced discriminating legislation against women, through the process of Islamization. He banned women from participating in sports and from watching them, and he pushed women to do purdah. Furthermore, he revoked the fundamental rights provided by the 1973 Constitution, including the right to be free and equal without any sex discrimination.

Criticism Against Zia's Imposed Discriminated Laws

However, in the early 1980s, Pakistan saw a massive mobilization of politically aware women, which was unprecedented in the nation, who set out to confront Zia's gender-discriminatory policies. The opposition to Zia's imposition of the gender-discriminatory Zina Hudood Ordinance, as well as the case of Fehmida and Allah Bux vs the State, which arose in 1981, are at the heart of Pakistani women's resistance. A Sessions court sentenced a man and a woman found guilty of adultery to 100 lashes and death by stoning, based on the requirements of the Zina Hudood Ordinance. This event paved the way for a well-organized women's resistance movement to emerge, which has developed in power via a variety of channels and now includes a broad agenda of sociopolitical demands for women's rights and being treated as equal citizens. These rights and feminist groups have been essential in initiating a new wave of action that focuses on consciousness-raising and educational experiments as part of their opposition against the marginalization of women's rights through various activities and programs.

The historic founding of the Women's Action Forum (WAF) in the city of Karachi the same year, led by a women's group, Shirkat Gah, became a catalyst for the birth of an organized women's movement in Pakistan. The WAF was also backed by five other Karachi-based women's organizations in a significant display of opposition to the new Ordinance and the resulting decision. Through advocacy programs, research, writing, pickets, lobbying, street agitation, and newspaper campaigns, these urban-based women's groups, largely recruited from the middle and upper classes, mounted a systematic national effort against the Zia’s Zina Hudood Ordinance law. Many of these feminist/women groups had branches in all of Pakistan's major cities, women were hired by these organizations and they worked independently, and received significant funding from international donor agencies to carry out their work for women. They've been working on issues affecting women, such as domestic violence and physical abuse, educational rights, women development programs, and many other women empowerment, women participation in governance and other rights. The prominent figures who fought against the Zia’s black regime were, Ms. Nigar Ahmad and Ms. Shahla Zia  from the Aurat (Woman) Foundation (1986), by  Asma Jehangir, Hina Jilani from AGHS Legal Aid Cell for Women, Rashida Muhammad Hussain Patel from Pakistan Women Lawyers Association and Legal Aid Cell, Madeeha Gohar from Ajoka Theatre for Social Change (1983), Sheema Kirmani form Tehrik- e- Niswan (1979),  very active poetesses of Pakistan Kishwar Naheed and Fehmida Riaz, and many other social, political activists worked for women rights.

Feminism in Benazir Bhutto regime

Benazir Bhutto was the first female prime minister in the history of Pakistan, and being female, she supported women-friendly policies. Feminism grew in popularity during her two years tenure as Prime Minister (1988-1990 and 1993-1996) when NGOs and focus groups were given significant authority. She established the first women's bank to cater to the financial need of women, the first women's police station and a Lady Health Workers Program were inaugurated, job quotas for women were allocated, loan schemes for women entrepreneurs, formation of the Ministry of Women's Development and the appointment of women judges in the supreme courts.

Feminism In Nawaz Sharif regime

The Pakistani government, led by Nawaz Sharif, believes that the country cannot grow until women, who make up half of society, are given equal chances. Nawaz Sharif, who was a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), led the government to take steps to protect women's rights as outlined in the CEDAW, and his government implemented a few reforms to enable women to participate in all aspects of life.

Nawaz Sharif has launched the Prime Minister's Young Loan to assist Pakistan's youth in building a better future for themselves. His government proposed a fifteenth amendment to the Constitution in 1997, which would completely replace the existing legal system with a comprehensive Islamic one, overriding the "constitution and any legislation or ruling of any court." The idea was adopted by the National Assembly (lower house), although women's groups, human rights advocates, and opposition political parties were outspoken in their opposition. They urged that the Hudood Act be abolished since it is discriminatory and infringes on women's fundamental rights. Unfortunately, once Nawaz Sharif assumed government in 1997, the momentum slowed, and women began to lose ground to political conservatism and religious revivalism. The Council of Islamic Ideology was a religious body that advocated women suppression laws, and they made the burqa compulsory for women in 1997, and at that time honor murders reached new highs. 

Feminism in Musharraf Regime

When General Pervez Musharraf fought for women's rights and promoted their participation in media, sports, and other sociopolitical activities, some lost ground was recovered. Though Musharraf was a dictator, he supported women on different grounds. The Ministry of Women's Development became a separate ministry in September 2004. The Women's Protection Bill, which repealed sections of the Hudood Ordinances, was enacted by the Pakistani parliament in late 2006.

In July 2006, General Musharraf passed an ordinance allowing roughly 1300 women presently incarcerated on offenses other than terrorism and murder to be released on bail immediately. In the Central Superior Services, the Cabinet agreed to a ten percent quota for women. There was a 5% quota for women in all government ministries prior to this.

Feminism in Asif Ali Zardari Regime

The Peoples' Party of Pakistan is considered a women-friendly party because the PPP government has made laws that protect women laws. 
The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act is a piece of legislation that amends the criminal law.
The Protection Against Harassment of Women at Work Act was passed in 2010.
The Acid Control and Acid Crime Act, as well as the Prevention of Anti-Women Practices Act, are both federal laws that were passed by PPP's government. The Women in Distress and Detention Fund Act of 2011 was passed to help deserving women with legal and financial aid.
The National Commission for Human Rights Act of 2012 was adopted to keep track of the state of human rights in the country.
Furthermore, 26 Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women's Centers have been built around the country to give prompt assistance to female victims of assault. The Benazir Income Support Program provides direct aid to around one million women, while the National Commission on the Status of Women monitors the situation.

The PPP  government's first aim is to repeal legislation that discriminates against women, such as the Equal Pay Act.

                                  Feminism Today In Pakistan

In recent years, there has been a growing movement of Pakistani women who are working to change this reality and create a more just and equal society for all. Pakistani feminists are working to end gender discrimination and equality through a variety of means. They are raising awareness about women's rights through education and media campaigns. They are also working to change laws that discriminate against women and girls. The present fourth wave, on the other hand, signified a tectonic change in Pakistan's feminist landscape, ushering in an altogether new era in feminist efforts by confronting and deconstructing the family, community, and society's sacred private spheres. Non-binary people, non-reproductive, and alternative sexual expression were formerly marginalized notions that became mainstream. The new wave feminists dismantled the illusory dichotomies of the public/private, productive/reproductive, and personal/political realms by reclaiming public places and placing the person into the heart of the political.

Image by Beenish Sarfaraz from Pexels

                                                                                                                                   

Since 2018, Pakistan's feminist landscape has shifted dramatically, signaling a significant departure from previous articulations of feminist theory and practice. The 'Aurat March' on March 8, 2018, marked the start of a new era of action aimed at drastically changing the social, economic, political, and cultural context in which patriarchy is lived and practiced. Every year on International Women's Day, thousands of women, men, and transgender persons of all ages march in multiple cities, representing various ethnic, religious, class, sectarian, and regional groupings, and have taken the country by storm. The false dichotomies between the public and private domains, as well as the productive and reproductive spheres, and the personal and political spheres. With the development of private media channels and social media in Pakistan, the feminist movement reached a critical era after 2008. As women's ability to convey their views and convictions grew, the movement gained traction. Women's marches, known as Aurat Marches, are currently organized in a number of places around the country. Increased political engagement and representation of women, gender and sexual minorities, religious minorities, and other oppressed groups in Pakistan are among the topics and causes addressed by the marches. The campaign has also requested that public areas be made safer for women and transgender people, as well as an end to all forms of violence directed against them.

Conclusion:

Pakistan's origins in a religious nationalism is built on antagonism to Hindu-India. The myths created at the start of the state have given individuals in positions of power the ability to exploit certain forms and discourses of religion to undermine democracy, secularism, and women's rights. This is the reason, women's rights were severely endangered and restricted in the name of religion. Culture and tradition were frequently claimed to deny women's rights and equality, but the most adamantly anti-women speech came from a theological perspective. Women in different democratic governments tried to empower women through legislations and different programs but the governments  are not able to fully implement these laws.  

Today,  because of women/feminist movements, a variety of parallel judicial and legal systems are now in action in Pakistan to support women's mobility and freedom to pursue a professional career. Despite the Constitution's emphasis on gender equality, some legislation (such as the Hudood Ordinance) serves to limit women's equal opportunities. As a result, depending on their tribal or patriarchal attitudes on women's rights and their roles, Pakistani women appear to have varying degrees of independence. Some women strictly follow traditional traditions, wearing a purdah (veil) and restricting their activities to the Chardiwari (four walls of a house). Others seek jobs and work alongside men in a range of occupations.